Indonesia’s Military Development

While governments around the world are tightening their belts in response to ongoing economic volatility, other countries, particularly in Asia, continue to modernise their military forces.  The modernisation process in China has created a cottage industry of analysts devoted to assessing the efficacy of PLA anti-ship missiles, military aircraft development and PLAN moves to develop a blue water naval capability.

China, however, is not the only Asian nation which is currently developing its armed forces.  Indonesia, too, has announced both an increase in military spending and specific procurement objectives.

Indonesia is looking at obtaining some sophisticated equipment.  It is negotiations with the Netherlands to purchase Leopard tanks, of which the Dutch government has offered 150.  Jakarta is also purchasing six Su-30 Sukhoi fighters and looking to upgrade its F-16 fleet.  Perhaps its most ambitious purchase is its planned $1.1 billion acquisition of three diesel electric submarines from South Korea.

Such modernisation should, however, be put in context.  Even with recent budget increases, Indonesia’s budget has barely edged above 1% of GDP.  Indeed, should the Yudyohono administration’s goal of spending 1.5% of GDP on its military by 2015 be achieved, this will remain a slight slice of the national pie compared to that spent by its regional neighbours such as China, Singapore and Australia.

Indonesia, like many other Asian countries, is now investing in sophisticated platforms common in Western military inventories.  As Asia becomes richer, it is natural that it invests greater funds in military procurement.  This reflects the regional trend of moving from fielding primarily land-based forces to developing maritime and aerial capabilities.  In addition, while new toys such as submarines, fighter jets and tanks may grab headlines, a large proportion of military spending increases will be devoted to improved wages for servicemen and maintaining existing equipment.

An improved Indonesian military will also be more capable of contributing to public goods such as anti-piracy missions and drug interdiction.  That said, Indonesian military modernisation will raise some concerns in Canberra.  While the Australian-Indonesian relationship has improved remarkably over the last decade, Australia has often looked toward Indonesia as a potential threat.  Indonesia’s democratic transition has done a great deal to mitigate such suspicion, but while Jakarta remains an unconsolidated democracy, Canberra will continue to hedge its bets.

Canberra’s main focus is on protecting its maritime approaches.  As Indonesia develops its navy and airforce, its ability to project force toward Australia will increase and this will pose a challenge to the dominance of the ADF.  As a key ADF aim is to remain the most technologically sophisticated military in its neighbourhood, it will be interesting to see how Canberra reacts.

In many ways, however, both countries are natural defence partners.  Australia’s small army and sophisticated maritime and aerial forces complement Indonesia’s large army and rudimentary navy and air force.  In the event of any challenge from North Asia, the ADF could offer important support to a threatened Jakarta, while Australian analysts have argued that the Indonesian archipelago can be used as a shield against any attack on its northern approaches.

In conclusion, Jakarta’s recent moves to invest greater resources in its military should not be seen as a threat.  Rather, it promises to increase security in its neighbourhood.  Australia should continue to assist Indonesia’s economic and political development to ensure that Jakarta remains a force for stability in Southeast Asia.

Key Trends in 2012

As we reflect on 2011, it is obvious that it was a year of geopolitical flux, reflected most clearly in the so-called Arab Spring. Asia, however, was also an exciting arena.

The US pivoted its focus from its wars in the Middle East to the increasing challenge posed by China to Washington’s primacy in the Asia Pacific, while December saw the death of Kim Jong Il in North Korea and the succession of his son, Kim Jong Un. Speaking of leadership changes, Vladimir Putin announced that he would seek to return to his former presidential office, while another newly appointed president in Myanmar, Thein Sein, to the surprise of commentators, appeared to open the door to cautious liberalisation.

What, then, can we expect to be the key trends in 2012? While predicting the future is, to paraphrase Hillary Clinton, a fool’s errand, here are a number of issues to keep an eye on in 2012.

1. Look for China to reign in its recent belligerence and return to the smarter diplomacy it pursued up until around 2008. Recent assertiveness has alienated its neighbours and driven them into the welcoming arms of Washington. A diplomatic approach that focuses on building economic links and reassuring neighbours that it does not seek to dominate will be more fruitful that making outrageous claims of sovereignty.

2. Events in Myanmar this year will be telling. Will Aung San Suu Kyi be permitted to compete in fair elections? If she wins, will the result be honoured? How the administration of Thein Sein reacts will indicate how serious the government is about liberalising. A genuine opposition in parliament would be a significant step forward.

3. The U.S. also faces an important year. Look for Romney to win the Republican nomination. After that, all bets are off. Nevertheless, regardless of whether Obama or Romney wins, it is clear that we are now at the end of the post 9/11 age. The U.S. will focus on Asia and strengthening its primacy vis-à-vis China after its costly misadventures in the Middle East.

4. North Korea will continue to occupy the minds of policy makers. As always with the DPRK, there are more questions than answers. Will Kim Jong Un be supported by those around him? Will he be deposed or will he secure his own position? Will Pyongyang continue the belligerent approach highlighted by the sinking of the Cheonan and shelling of Yeonpyeong Island, or will it surprise everyone by tackling internal reform as China did under Deng Xiaoping?

5. The 18th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party in 2012 will see a major leadership turnover. Hu Jintao, Wen Jiabao, and Wu Bangguo are all expected to retire, opening the way for the Politburo and its Standing Committee to welcome a large number of new faces. How will these new leaders handle an ever more complex society and what kind of foreign policy will they pursue?

6. Will Indonesia continue to consolidate its democracy or will it falter? Corruption allegations will continue to dismay Indonesians and shape their opinion of politics, while politicians on all sides seem to lack an appetite for reforms that could help Indonesia achieve its considerable potential.

7. How will U.S. and European financial travails affect Asia? The region will also suffer an economic slowdown, but ‘suffer’ may be the wrong word; after all, Beijing’s latest Five Year Plan aims to slow growth. Nevertheless, for a country that continues to rely on exports, continued economic trouble in the West will be a cause for significant concern. As China slows, neighbours such as South Korea and Japan will also suffer. An increase in protectionist sentiment, particularly in the U.S., will lead to much complaining and anti-dumping suits between Washington and Beijing.

8. Expect the balancing of security and economics in the Asia Pacific to become ever more precarious. Most states rely upon the U.S. for their security, while depending upon China for their economic prosperity. Though security typically trumps economics, no one wants to have to pick a side.

9. India can expect further growth, albeit of a slower nature, while its politicians will continue to be cautious, except when pursuing private business interests. Significant and much needed reform is unlikely to be embraced. Growth remains fuelled by domestic demand. A focus on increasing exports would be a significant source of growth and is likely to be pursued. Kashmir will continue to be a problem, but relations with Pakistan may improve, albeit glacially.

Sectarian Violence in Ambon, Indonesia

Several hundred troops have been deployed by the Indonesian government to the city of Ambon which has seen an outbreak of sectarian violence.  Clashes in the eastern city, capital of Maluku Province, have injured between 80 and 150 people and resulted in five fatalities.

The violence exploded on Sunday in the wake of rumours blaming Christians for the death of a motorcycle taxi driver whom police have claimed died in a traffic accident.  Rumours were circulated by text message with the situation coming to a head as rival groups clashed at the funeral of Darvin Saiman, the victim.

This, however, is not the first time that Ambon has witnessed sectarian violence between Muslims and Christians.  Between 1999 and 2002, more than 9000 people were killed in religious violence, but the area has been relatively peaceful since then.